SACRAMENTO — On a day of fierce recriminations, Republican allies and friends of Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger appeared shaken Wednesday by the collapse of his agenda in this week's special election, saying he needs to recapture the confidence of voters by jettisoning some of his political advisors.
Among those distressed by the direction of the governor's administration is First Lady Maria Shriver, who is interviewing potential candidates for senior staff jobs in the governor's office, according to people familiar with the matter.
As rumors swirled, names surfaced of people who might be asked to join Schwarzenegger in high-level jobs. They included Democrats; one was Susan Kennedy, a California Public Utilities Commission member who had been a top aide to former Gov. Gray Davis. She declined to comment.
The suggestions of turmoil ahead came as Schwarzenegger's opponents, savoring their victory, appeared ambivalent about the best way to approach the weakened governor.
Schwarzenegger stumbled badly in his attempt to make 2005 his "year of reform" when all four measures he championed were defeated Tuesday.
The Governator was shaken by the collapse of his legislative agenda? Guess what, that's what happens when you try to push the state too far to the right. I find it especially interesting that Maria Shriver is interviewing people for senior staff jobs in the governor's office.
Schwarzenegger made a huge, stupid mistake. He brought in too many of his Hollywood friends and Republican big business associates to try to govern a state that is centrist in political nature. These guys gambled that they could shift the state further right by taking on two of the biggest interest groups in the state--unions and teachers--with their special election initiatives to require unions to get written consent from its member before giving money to political campaigns and to force teachers into a longer five-year probationary period instead of the current two years. Schwarzenegger and his Hollywood advisors gambled, and lost big time.
Continuing on with the Times story:
Schwarzenegger conferred privately with close associates the day after his debacle, plotting his next steps with Rep. David Dreier (R-San Dimas). Dreier said the two did not talk explicitly about a housecleaning. But he added: "Obviously, when you're looking ahead and moving ahead, things can happen. But I don't think there's a final decision made on any changes."
Within Schwarzenegger's wide circle, bitterness over the defeat was palpable. One business advocate said that, over the last two days, donors and other Schwarzenegger supporters have discussed recapturing the popularity the governor once enjoyed. "He's got all this talent and cachet, but he Â… has to make some changes to be effective," the person said.
Schwarzenegger made no public comments Wednesday. But his communications director, Rob Stutzman, said the governor interpreted his defeat not so much as a rejection of the ideas he advanced as voter distaste for his bypassing of the Legislature to push an agenda by ballot.
"We tried to take a huge leap forward in reforming this state by putting these measures before the voters in a special election," Stutzman said. "And now we'll pursue with redoubled effort the more conventional way of doing that, which is here in the Capitol, and that will be at a slower pace than he would like. So that's the lesson he has learned, but I don't think he characterizes it as a mistake."
I don't think Schwarzenegger has a clue on how to govern this state. The Hollywood business people he brought in, concentrated on expanding big business power, and the governor's power within the state at the expense of the legislature and the unions. They also probably brought the idea of hubris into the governor's office, considering the Republican's increasing control of Congress and the re-election of President Bush. This type of hubris could have caused Schwarzenegger and his advisors to become more confrontational against the Democratically-controlled legislature, and would have forced the Governator to push his special-election initiatives. Consider this interesting quote from the Times:
Others said Schwarzenegger had to change his entire approach. "He lost last night, and he lost big," said Gale Kaufman, one of the union's consultants. "He has to figure out how to govern this state. The Legislature knows what its job is. He has to figure out what his job is."
Schwarzenegger doesn't know what his job is. That is the key problem Schwarzenegger has. He doesn't know how to weave his way through the competing multitudes of special interest groups this state has. The advice he's relied on now, has been from close business associates--who think only in terms of business interests.
Schwarzenegger now has another problem. As a result of his pushing the special election initiatives, he has angered the two powerful interest groups of the teachers and the unions. With his re-election coming up next year, he has got to try to make amends with those two groups. But there's a problem:
Though gleeful after their rout of Schwarzenegger, labor leaders and Democrats had not settled Wednesday on a united stance toward the governor as his reelection campaign nears.
Senate President Pro Tem Don Perata (D-Oakland) said lawmakers should focus on reaching accommodations with the governor. But Assembly Speaker Fabian Nuñez (D-Los Angeles) and many union leaders suggested that Schwarzenegger apologize for calling the election, which Nuñez characterized as a waste of time and resources.
Stutzman said the governor would make no apology.
The public employee unions that helped defeat the governor's initiatives also appeared split on how adversarial they should be. Some union leaders said they wanted Schwarzenegger to try to win their trust back and build better relationships with them — even as others seemed ready to work against him in next year's election.
"We've lost trust in him," Lou Paulson, president of the California Professional Firefighters, said at a news conference. "We're very receptive to get together with him, but clearly he has to make a sincere and thoughtful move."
The unions and Democratic opposition are not sure how to respond to the Governator now. This can be an advantage to Schwarzenegger, if he ignores the advice of his big business Republican advisors and starts governing from the center. If Schwarzenegger is seriously willing to work with the Democratically-controlled legislature, with true bipartisanship and compromise, he may be able to get some legislation through for the benefit of the state. But in order to gain the trust of the Democratically-controlled legislature, Schwarzenegger is going to have to meet them more than halfway. He's going to have to regain the legislature's trust, and that's going to be ver difficult. Because the interest groups have their own agendas:
Union leaders all but insisted that Schwarzenegger repay $2 billion to public education and stop fighting a law that puts more nurses in hospitals.
Deborah Burger, president of the California Nurses Assn., said her group would be pushing for a universal healthcare program and for a shift in the state's tax burden toward corporations — two ideas that Schwarzenegger and his business allies have shown no interest in.
They also said the disparate public employee unions, which represent teachers, firefighters, prison guards, nurses and state workers, would strive to press a common agenda in the next year.
Mike Jimenez, president of the California Correctional Peace Officers Assn., said that Barbara Kerr, head of the California Teachers Assn., had toured a prison with him recently. He said he planned to reciprocate with a visit to a school.
The unions said they had yet to decide what their strategy would be in the 2006 elections, when many will be inclined to back the Democratic challenger. Jimenez intimated as much on election night when he declared that the post-election period was "Round 2" in the union's combat with the governor.
Is the Governator willing to change his governing philosophy before next year? Consider this in the Times story:
Schwarzenegger supporters, meanwhile, sharply criticized the large bureaucracy that has grown around him. Most spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid antagonizing the governor's office.
Some of the blame was directed at Michael Murphy, one of the main architects of the governor's political agenda and the primary strategist of his 2003 recall campaign.
A GOP consultant familiar with Schwarzenegger's operation said the governor and his team erred in promoting the four ballot initiatives, which offended such groups as nurses, teachers and firefighters.
"Part of it was he took on too much. He took on everybody in sight," the consultant said. "And part of it is if you're going to do initiatives, you want a group that fits together and presents a common theme and presents a picture of Arnold that would be positive with voters. They just didn't do that."
Asked if Murphy would remain with the governor, Todd Harris, an official at his consulting firm, said: "We serve at the governor's pleasure." Harris then called The Times back to say: "The governor has asked us to continue working for him."
And there's more:
Through the plunge in Schwarzenegger's approval ratings, he has kept much of his core team of senior aides, led by chief of staff Patricia Clarey.
Clarey, Stutzman and other aides left the governor's office to join the special election campaign — and are now back at their old jobs. Clarey has long been the subject of rumors that she may be leaving.
Said Stutzman: "There's a lot of Internet rumors, a lot of speculation," he said. "But Pat Clarey's in the [Capitol] right now leading meetings."
Schwarzenegger is surrounded by an unwieldy world of pollsters, consultants, public relations firms and lawyers. Some may have a financial incentive to steer him toward ballot fights.
"There's too many people on the political team," said a Republican strategist. "Too many people making too much money."
The governor and his allies spent at least $23.7 million on television airtime and $1.2 million on radio spots. Postage, mailer and associated costs amounted to $2.93 million. Consultants commonly receive a percentage of such expenditures, though campaign finance reports do not disclose the payments.
The law firm Nielsen, Merksamer, which helped vet some of the initiatives, got nearly $1.1 million. The law firm Bell, McAndrews & Hiltachk, which defended the governor's ballot measures in court, was paid $361,000. Schwarzenegger raised $50 million for his special election campaign.
Too many people on the political team. Too many people making too much money. Too much conflict of interests here. The political pollsters, lawyers, and PR specialists who were advising Schwarzenegger to push through the ballot initiatives, were also making tons of money through their firm's selling of the initiatives--whether those initiatives won or lost, they got their money's worth. They had the financial incentive to push Schwarzenegger into this initiative fight for their own self-interest, rather than for the good of the state. And the Governator bought it--hook, line, and sinker.
The only way for Schwarzenegger to govern California effectively, is to completely clean house. Purge out his PR people, consultants, lawyers, and big business advisors, while at the same time start bringing in policy analysts, and state government specialists who understand the complicated issues and can provide alternative solutions. He needs to bring in people who understand the legislative process, and who can provide dissenting arguments and views on issues. Only then, can he craft compromising positions that may entice the Democratically-controlled legislature in providing bipartisan government for this state. But he needs to act now. The longer he waits, the harder it will be for him to govern.
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